When the acrid stench of burnt tires and tear gas finally began to fade, Kenya awoke to a grim tableau: charred buildings in downtown Nairobi, looted shops strewn with shattered glass, and families mourning at least 19 more lives lost to police bullets. As the country marked the first anniversary of the historic 2024 Gen Z tax protests, a new wave of demonstrations erupted—again met with live ammunition, media blackouts, and government accusations of an attempted “coup.”
Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen urged calm, but his appeals rang hollow. Youths flooded the streets on June 25 not just in protest, but in remembrance—honoring the over 60 lives lost during the 2024 anti-Finance Bill uprising, a movement that exposed deep cracks in Kenya’s governance.
Rather than easing tensions, CS drew outrage with what was widely interpreted as a “shoot to kill” order. His comments reignited accusations of state brutality—especially jarring after President William Ruto’s 2024 appearance on an X Space forum, where he had vowed to rein in rogue police and an increasingly aloof Cabinet.
Arrogance and extravagance in government
The Finance Bill that sparked the 2024 protests was seen as punitive and disconnected from everyday reality. It proposed tax hikes on basics like bread, diapers, sugar, mobile phones, money transfers, and internet data—triggering widespread anger. Gen Z, citing arrogance and extravagance in government, mobilized en masse.
A defining moment came when President Ruto—long praised for outmaneuvering veteran opposition leader Raila Odinga—appeared visibly shaken. In a rare televised interview from the State House, he made an unusual concession: “I am willing to talk.” This stood in contrast to his earlier insistence that the bill must pass under his authority as Commander-in-Chief. He even vowed to personally console a grieving mother who had lost her child in the protests “as a fellow parent.” Like many others, she never received answers.
Public fury peaked when demonstrators stormed Parliament, a symbolic rupture between state and citizen.
In response, Ruto trimmed his bloated Cabinet, promised reforms, and unexpectedly formed a Broad-Based Government, drawing in key figures from Odinga’s camp. He later dropped his deputy, Rigathi Gachagua, whose public contradictions and friction over rising living costs had become a liability.
But political reshuffling did little to quell discontent.
“Gen Z and the Millennials are not going away soon”
This year’s anniversary—again led by Gen Z—signaled a growing push to enshrine June 25 as a national day of resistance and remembrance. In the foreword to the 2024 Brutal Policing report1, former Chief Justice Willy Mutunga urged the government to officially recognize the date, warning:
Gen Z and the Millennials are not going away soon. I urge you to be proactive and engage in their next mass action and rebellion. It does not take rocket science to know that these generations will celebrate the June 2024 uprising. I guess the date to be immortalized and celebrated each year will be either June 18 or June 25.
That, however, didn’t stop the government from making a symbolic outreach to bereaved families in a bid to avert a repeat of the 2024 protests—even as the youth pushed forward with efforts to immortalize them. Speaking during a ceremonial tea event where he handed the Kenya Premier League trophy (won by Police FC) to the President, CS Murkomen said the government was willing to listen. But many Kenyans were left asking, “Why now? Why wait until a whole year has passed?”
“We’re sleeping through a revolution”
Pro-government bloggers and communication teams framed the protests as anarchic and accused Gachagua of orchestrating a regime change attempt. But the ousted Deputy President dismissed the claims on live TV, saying: “These protests are organic. No one can mobilize 26 counties without the knowledge of security agencies. If I’m guilty, let the Interior CS arrest me now.”
Dr. Barrack Muluka, a communications expert and long-serving columnist at The Standard newspaper in Nairobi, told Afrique XXI that President Ruto’s failure to fulfill his campaign promises—particularly on job creation and economic revival—has only deepened public frustration.
“Ruto is like a captain unable to navigate Kenya’s stormy waters—he should consider docking in a safe harbor and stepping aside. If nothing changes, as seems likely, the demonstrations will persist,” he said.
“Nothing has changed since Gen Z first took to the streets. The truth is, we’re sleeping through a revolution. One more spark, and the centre may no longer hold.”
President Ruto has acknowledged that protests are a constitutional right—but insists they must not be used to remove him from office through unconstitutional means. While addressing regional and county security chiefs, along with national government administration officers at State House after last month’s protests, Ruto backed the reintroduction of the draconian Public Order (Amendment) Bill, 2025, which he says aims to balance civil liberties with public order.
Wetang’ula accused both the international community and the Catholic Church
The proposed legislation seeks to tighten control over public demonstrations by introducing tougher requirements for protest permits, stiffer penalties for what it labels “unlawful assemblies,” and expanded police powers to disperse gatherings deemed disruptive. Notably, it also aims to criminalize mobilization of protests within a 100-meter radius of protected areas like Parliament and State House. Penalties include up to Ksh 100,000 fines or three months in prison for non-compliance.
Among the most vocal supporters of the proposed protest restrictions is National Assembly Speaker Moses Wetang’ula, a senior figure in President Ruto’s ruling coalition who wants the government to have a freehand in dealing with “disorderliness” during riots. He has accused both the international community and the Catholic Church of double standards, criticizing their silence following the recent unrest. Speaking shortly after the demonstrations, Wetang’ula questioned why clergy and foreign envoys had previously condemned government crackdowns, yet offered no comment after the destruction caused by protesters.
“They went on air saying, ‘Let there be demonstrations.’ Now that we’ve seen the destruction, the mayhem, the deaths—what will they say?” he posed, defending the government’s use of force. “In Los Angeles the other day, President Trump deployed soldiers against protesters. Why the outrage only when it happens here?”
In Parliament, he claimed the law would not clamp down on fundamental rights and freedoms in Article 37 —as the Law Society of Kenya has warned—but would instead “create order by protecting the protest, the police, and the protesters.”
Violations of press freedom
The government’s clampdown escalated on June 25, when the Communications Authority—chaired by a former journalist—ordered TV stations to cease live coverage of the protests. NTV, K24, and KTN defied the directive and were abruptly taken off air. The Law Society of Kenya filed a suit in court challenging the decision, citing violations of press freedom and the public’s constitutional right to access information even as some thought it a wise move.
“What we saw yesterday (June 25, 2025) was an insurrection, not a demonstration protected under Article 37. For the past two months, the media has been inciting the unrest and the violence we witnessed. All freedoms have limits. The live coverage was provocative and fuelled further violence, in violation of the Constitution,” said Homa Bay Town MP George Kaluma, a former Ruto critic turned ally through the broad-based government on his Facebook Page.
The Communications Authority’s decision to shut down live coverage—though belated—was in the public interest, for public safety and security, and was therefore justified. Such action should always apply where broadcasts incite violence. Let’s not forget the media played a central role in the Rwanda Genocide. The media in Kenya has gone rogue and will destroy this country if not properly regulated and sanctioned.
The MP is referring to two Rwandan propaganda media launched a few years before the outbreak of the Tutsi genocide, which claimed nearly 1 million victims between April and July 1994: Kangura, an extremist newspaper created in 1989, and Radio Télévision Libre des Milles Collines (RTLM) in 1993. The latter incited hatred against the Tutsis and then murdered them, going so far as to publish lists of people to be sought out and killed. There is nothing like this in Kenya.
X accounts of vocal critics were taken down
Under President Ruto’s tenure, both legal and cultural censorship appear to be deepening. Tech developer Rose Njeri was arrested in May under the cybercrime law for creating a one-click app to reject the 2025 Finance Bill—though she was later acquitted after the Director of Public Prosecutions was criticized for pursuing the case.
X accounts of vocal critics, including that of Albert Ojwang, were taken down. Ojwang was later killed under suspicious circumstances, sparking a wave of online outrage. The hashtag #JusticeForOjwang quickly gained traction, eventually forcing Deputy Inspector General Eliud Lagat to resign and leading to murder charges against officers linked to the killing.
Meanwhile, at the National Drama Festival in April, Butere Girls’ High School’s play Echoes of War was initially banned. By the time a court overturned the decision, it was too late—the students simply walked on stage, sang the national anthem, and left. They were then escorted by police vehicles from Nakuru to Butere Town, nearly 250 kilometers away, as tear gas was fired at crowds that had gathered to watch their performance.
Charlene Ruto, sued a publisher for releasing her biography
Further, President Ruto’s daughter, Charlene Ruto, sued a publisher for releasing her biography without consent. The author, Webster Ochora Elijah, wrote Beyond the Name: Charlene Ruto and the Youth Uprising, prompting her to allege identity misuse. Lawyers argue the lawsuit is baseless, as public figures are open to scrutiny—especially those benefiting from state resources.
“Many adjudicators tend to rule against public figures who sue for defamation or rights infringement—and for obvious reasons: public personalities are subject to greater scrutiny,” said Nairobi-based lawyer Billy Janji. “One can only wish her well, but her case stands minimal chance under the Defamation Act.”
Meanwhile, at the National Drama Festival in April, Butere Girls’ High School’s play Echoes of War was initially banned. By the time a court overturned the decision, it was too late—the students simply walked on stage, sang the national anthem, and left. They were then escorted by police vehicles from Nakuru to Butere Town, nearly 250 kilometers away, as tear gas was fired at crowds that had gathered to watch their performance.
Activist Hussein Khalid says giving up in the face of systematic attempts by the government to shrink civic rights is the last thing Kenyans should do. Khalid—who gained national attention for helping a police officer during recent protests, and who was once deported from Tanzania for standing in solidarity with opposition leader Tundu Lissu—remains defiant. He insists that even as the government tightens its grip on civic space, rights defenders will “continue pushing until a just country is realized.”
“The Kenyan state first reacted to mass protests with mass violence”
A report titled, “Police bullets, digital chains: State-sanctioned brutality in Kenya’s peaceful youth-led uprising,” by CIVICUS—an online platform that monitors threats to civil society globally—was released on the first anniversary of the peak of the protests. The report documents the ongoing crackdown by authorities and security forces, who have sought to suppress dissent through killings, arrests, abductions, targeting of online activists, the weaponization of cybercrime laws, internet disruptions, restrictions on journalists, surveillance, censorship, and other repressive tactics.
“The Kenyan state first reacted to mass protests with mass violence, leaving dozens dead and more than a hundred missing. Since then, they have aggressively pushed to tighten control over all forms of civic space and free expression—from peaceful protesters in the streets to critics on social media and everywhere in between,” said CIVICUS Secretary General Mandeep Tiwana during the report launch. “This year-long crackdown shows how Kenya’s security apparatus—deeply rooted in a broken, brutal, and colonial legacy—does not serve the public. Instead, it is a tool of repression to silence people who demand justice and accountability.”
But the government has also deployed soft power in its counter-insurgency against the growing public outrage. One tactic has been the rollout of fundraising and empowerment programs targeting women and youth. Critics, however, view these initiatives as thinly veiled political tools designed to pacify restless voters ahead of the next election.
The program under Bottom-Up economic model that once energized Ruto’s campaign is now being dismissed by some as “constructive voter bribery,” particularly because it focuses on the informal sector—once his strongest base, now increasingly disillusioned.
“This is a generation informed, analytical, and not easily swayed”
“By now, it should be clear that he’s (Ruto) dealing with an enlightened population—especially Gen Z, who are openly rejecting his leadership and its tokenistic gymnastics,” said Prof. Gitile Naituli, a lecturer and political commentator. “This is a generation shaped by the gains of President Kibaki’s reformist era—from free primary education to 100 percent transition to secondary school. They’re informed, analytical, and not easily swayed.”
“They understand how real development works—from policy to budgeting—and they expect tangible impact. Ruto getting Raila on his side won’t help, tokenism won’t fool them either. In fact, it will only deepen his unpopularity. If the President wants to reconnect with the people, he must fix the economy. Period.”
Kenya’s GDP reached KSh 16.2 trillion in 2024, with growth slowing to 4.7% from 5.7% in 2023, mirroring global trends as world GDP growth dipped from 3.3% to 3.2%.
The government’s strategic appointment of John Mbadi as Finance Minister from Odinga’s wing nonetheless, temporarily muted public outrage. His moderate tone and assurances that there would be no new taxes helped calm things, making Kenyans march to the streets largely to commemorate the deaths witnessed last year. But the Gen Z movement, now more tactically mature, continues to prepare for 2027 when Ruto returns to the ballot after his first five-year term.
Décortiquer la loi pour les plus jeunes
Marvin Mabonga, a Gen Z activist known on X as @KOT_Sonko, told Citizen TV that they aim to use civic education to help their peers better understand government policies—so they can identify and expose any hidden mischief. “We hosted X Space sessions featuring experts to break down the 2024 Finance Bill, since many young people hadn’t read or fully understood it,” he said.
Some are even suggesting that it will be impossible to steal the 2027 polls, as they plan to tally every vote cast and share the results on social media in real time. “If their recent online coordination during the protests is anything to go by, Gen Z is more than ready to outsmart anyone planning to rig the 2027 elections,” said political analyst Herman Manyora. “Given their deep interest in governance and active engagement on social media, I wouldn’t be surprised if they field the majority of candidates next time. You can’t apply the old political playbook to them—though most of the current leadership is still trying.”
Gen Z is receiving growing support from millennials and other groups, including lawyer Miguna Miguna, who crafted a ready-to-send emergency message for use in case of state abductions: “Draft and save this Emergency Alert on your X, Meta, WhatsApp, and Signal: ‘My name is XYZ. I have been abducted by DCI/Police/NIS.’” He further urged them to, “Raise alarm when approached by anyone you suspect to be DCI, NIS, or Police, press ’send to all’ and alert your family, friends, bloggers, media, and @LawSocietyofKe.”
Memes and mass mobilization
Cyprian Nyakundi, a prominent millennial blogger and vocal Gen Z ally, rallied the online community to highlight the hopeful and peaceful side of last month’s demonstrations. This digital campaign helped counter official narratives that painted the protests as chaotic and lawless, and sought to mend the strained relationship between protesters and police.
Millennial comedian Eric Omondi, another key voice in the reform movement, launched the “Police Friday” campaign, urging officers to share messages of empathy and restraint online—directly challenging their boss, CS Murkomen’s controversial shoot-to-kill decree. One officer shared how his Gen Z daughter had pleaded with him not to harm protestors. Another called on colleagues to act within the law and show love for the country.
A victim of police brutality Anthony Weya, who was shot in the arm, received crowdfunding support after his peer championed his case online.
This tech-savvy generation and their supporters are squeezing every drop from digital tools—mastering crowdsourced legal aid, AI-powered protest art, and viral satire that cuts deep. When photoshopped images of underperforming officials inside coffins flooded social media, even President Ruto took notice, scolding parents: “Teach your children manners.”
Their battle cry—#SiriNiNumbers (“The secret is in numbers”)—captures a movement outmaneuvering the state with memes and mass mobilization. For all its machinery, the government is struggling to keep up.
